Notas sobre las formas expresivas de las nuevas derechas: Las subjetividades de las mayorías en disputa
; Giorgi, Gabriel Alejandro Giorgi Otros responsables
Fecha
07/2022
Editorial
Universidad Nacional de Córdoba. Facultad de Filosofía y Humanidades. Escuela de Historia
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Anuario de la Escuela de Historia
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1853-7049
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Español
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Resumen
El paisaje de las nuevas derechas se puede leer sobre el fondo de un anudamiento paradójico, esa tensión irresuelta, entre esa capacidad de movilización y expresión que dan cauce a una subjetividad entrenada en décadas de neoliberalismo, y su captura en dispositivos de expresión –paradigmáticamente, las plataformas digitales—, que, en muchos casos, redirigen esas capacidades hacia la profundización de relaciones de propiedad intactas e incluso profundizadas en su violencia (la guerra cotidiana por “proteger” lo propio y lo poco que se tiene). Es en relación con este tipo de disputa sobre la determinación de una libertad contrapuesta al cúmulo de violencias neoliberales que los feminismos en sus modos de construir alianzas políticas tienen capacidad de impulsar. Esto supone dar el crédito a los feminismos y movimientos de disidencia sexual en sus composiciones migrantes, faveladas, sindicales, universitarias, rurales, indígenas, populares, etc., y a su carácter masivo, radical y transnacional, como dinámicas cruciales de desestabilización del orden sexual, de géneros y, por lo mismo, del orden político neoliberal, porque materializan la disputa por las derivas de las crisis que desde 2008 no paran de profundizarse.
The landscape of the new rights can be read, we think, against the backdrop of that paradoxical knotting, that unresolved tension, between that capacity for mobilization and expansion that give rise to a subjectivity trained in decades of neoliberalism and its capture in devices of expression –paradigmatically, digital platforms–, that often redirect those capacities toward deepening existing property relations and even intensifying their violence (the everyday war to “protect” one’s own and the little that one has). It is in relation to that type of dispute over the determination of a freedom, counterpoised to the accumulation of neoliberal violences, that feminisms, in their modes of constructing political alliances, have the capacity to be a driving force. This means giving credit to feminisms and movements of sexual dissidence in their migrant, slum, union, student, rural, Indigenous, popular, etc. compositions and in their mass, radical, and transnational character as crucial dynamics of destabilizing the sexual, gender-based, order and, therefore, the neoliberal political order, which are materialized in the dispute over the directions of the crisis that has continued to deepen since 2008.
The landscape of the new rights can be read, we think, against the backdrop of that paradoxical knotting, that unresolved tension, between that capacity for mobilization and expansion that give rise to a subjectivity trained in decades of neoliberalism and its capture in devices of expression –paradigmatically, digital platforms–, that often redirect those capacities toward deepening existing property relations and even intensifying their violence (the everyday war to “protect” one’s own and the little that one has). It is in relation to that type of dispute over the determination of a freedom, counterpoised to the accumulation of neoliberal violences, that feminisms, in their modes of constructing political alliances, have the capacity to be a driving force. This means giving credit to feminisms and movements of sexual dissidence in their migrant, slum, union, student, rural, Indigenous, popular, etc. compositions and in their mass, radical, and transnational character as crucial dynamics of destabilizing the sexual, gender-based, order and, therefore, the neoliberal political order, which are materialized in the dispute over the directions of the crisis that has continued to deepen since 2008.
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