Democracias e institucionalidad del sorteo: ¿es posible pensar en su complementariedad?

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Fecha
12/2014
Editorial
Universidad Complutense de Madrid
Revista
Las Torres de Lucca
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2255-3827
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En este artículo presento la democracia como un sistema distributivo que contiene dos principios básicos: elegir y ser elegido. Denomino a este sistema de pistas distributivas ‘justicia local política’. A partir de ello indago bajo qué circunstancias un ciudadano que adhiere a esas ‘pistas’ puede percibirse como desventajado y como acreedor a enunciar, en la arena pública de las actuales democracias, un reclamo. Analizo de qué manera es posible atender su situación de desventajado con la institucionalidad del sorteo. Y finalmente, trato de brindar argumentos exploratorios que muestren que la institucionalidad del sorteo (i) no es incompatible con las preferencias de los ciudadanos que no la desean, (ii) por tanto su adopción no los perjudica y finalmente (iii) que su adopción mejora la condición de aquellos desventajados que la proponen.
In this article I present democracy as a distributive system containing two basic principles: to elect and to be elected. I call this distributive track system 'local political justice’. From this, I inquire under what circumstances a citizen adhering to these 'tracks' can be perceived as disadvantaged and as a creditor, in the public arena of modern democracies, who can present a claim. I analyze how to handle the situation of the disadvantaged with the institutionalization of the selection by lots. And finally, try to provide exploratory arguments showing that the institutions of the lottery draw (i) is not inconsistent with the preferences of citizens who do not want it, (ii) its adoption does not harm them and finally (iii) its adoption improve the condition of those disadvantaged who propose it.
In this article I present democracy as a distributive system containing two basic principles: to elect and to be elected. I call this distributive track system 'local political justice’. From this, I inquire under what circumstances a citizen adhering to these 'tracks' can be perceived as disadvantaged and as a creditor, in the public arena of modern democracies, who can present a claim. I analyze how to handle the situation of the disadvantaged with the institutionalization of the selection by lots. And finally, try to provide exploratory arguments showing that the institutions of the lottery draw (i) is not inconsistent with the preferences of citizens who do not want it, (ii) its adoption does not harm them and finally (iii) its adoption improve the condition of those disadvantaged who propose it.
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